From Dan Kish at the Institute for Energy Research comes this comment (i.e. below left) on the federal government’s consideration of its 2017-2022 5-year leasing plan.   The IER analysis carefully addresses nationwide concerns about access to federal lands/waters for energy exploration and production.  Since Alaska is such a huge component of federally managed OCS  resources, IER correctly recognizes Alaska’s potential:  …there has been far greater leasing in the Gulf of Mexico than the Alaska OCS and as a result the reserve estimates have nearly sextupled in the Gulf of Mexico while remaining essentially stagnant in the Alaska OCS.      We would also point out that the federal government has been working — with support from environmental activists over the past nearly 8 years — to block access to Alaska’s natural resources within federal areas.  In addition to the state challenges we discuss (i.e. below right), denial of access to federal OCS AND dry lands further threatens Alaska’s ability to survive its daunting economic challenges.     -dh


Institute for Energy Research

COMMENT ON PROPOSED 2017-2022 OCS LEASING 

PROGRAM

BOEM-2016-0003-0001

(See complete report with charts here) 

* * *

The Institute for Energy Research believes that the proposed 5-Year Leasing Program for 2017-2022 is wholly inadequate for the nation’s needs.

In the findings of the Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act, Congress declared that “the outer Continental Shelf is a vital national resource reserve held by the Federal Government for the public, which should be made available for expeditious and orderly development, subject to environmental safeguards, in a manner which is consistent with the maintenance of competition and other national needs.” This plan fails to meet the intent of the law that the OCS be made available for expeditious and orderly development and does not meet the nation’s needs.

Why is Access to Energy Resources Important?

Before we comment on the OCS leasing program, it is first important to understand why access to energy resources is critical (Our emphasis.  –dh). The short answer is that the world has inexpensive oil prices today (i.e. $45 a barrel instead of $100+ a barrel) because of U.S. oil production (with some help from Canada).  From 2008 through 2014, 97 percent of the total increase in world oil production came from the U.S. and Canada alone.

From 2008 through 2014 (the most recent year for which data is available), world oil production increased by 6.686 million barrels per day. Fully, 6.491 million barrels per day of that increase came from the U.S. and Canada.  In fact, 5.457 million barrels a day or 82 percent, came from the U.S. alone.

Production on federal lands and offshore areas, however, as not kept up with production on private lands. According to data from the U.S. Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative from 2008 through 2014, oil production on federal lands and waters increased by 26 percent.  That sounds like a nice increase, however, the sum total of the increase happened from 2008 to 2009. From 2009 through 2014, oil production actually fell by 0.2 percent.

The record of the Obama administration on oil production is abysmal, and this plan simply continues that record for another five years.  The U.S. led the way on oil production and the result is much lower oil prices. This production, as government data shows, came from private and state lands, not federal lands. If the federal government controlled all of the subsurface resources in the United States, the world would almost certainly have oil that costs $150 a barrel instead of less than $50 a barrel.

Energy Information Administrator Adam Sieminski said, “If we did not have the growth in North Dakota, in the Eagle Ford and the Permian, oil could be $150 (per barrel).”

The OCS Proposed Program

Even prior to the decision to remove the Atlantic Lease Sale from the draft, this plan was the most anemic offshore leasing program proposed in decades, in that it offered the fewest number of lease sales. As a consequence of removing the Atlantic Sale, it concentrates an entire nation’s lease sale program in a small portion of Alaska and Central and Western Gulf of Mexico.

The overreliance on just a portion of the Gulf of Mexico for nearly the entire U.S. OCS leasing program time after time—which this five year plan proposes—is a serious geological, economic and historical mistake. The Gulf of Mexico is the most hurricane-prone area of the country, and placing all—or nearly all—of the government’s leasing in this area—and excluding leasing in other parts of the 1.76 billion acres of federal holdings in the OCS is short-sighted and foolhardy.

The consequences of such an underwhelming 5-year plan means that knowledge that could be advanced about our nation’s oil and gas potential will be put off for that much longer.

Gulf of Mexico

The difference is that there has been far greater leasing in the Gulf of Mexico than the Alaska OCS and as a result the reserve estimates have nearly sextupled in the Gulf of Mexico while remaining essentially stagnant in the Alaska OCS.

The lack of access to energy resources means that jobs that might have been created in areas of the country where lease sales might have been held will not be created. It means that investments that might have been made in the United States will instead be made in foreign nations and off their shores,

where leasing is encouraged. It means that Americans—who might have been working here at home and buying more of their energy resources from their own supplies—will continue to rely on foreign sources for more of their energy supplies than is necessary for a longer period of time.

Large Economic Benefits of Oil and Gas Production

The Institute for Energy Research is very familiar with the history of federal energy leasing and its benefits to our national economy.  Interestingly many of the benefits of leasing are in the short term, rather than the long term, as is the common understanding.

Clearly, royalties do not flow immediately from holding lease sales, but the sooner the lease sales happen, the sooner multiple economic benefits occur.  And those benefits are massive.  The current 5-year plan postpones all of those benefits and jobs for Americans and deprives state, local and federal governments of enormous amounts of revenue.

In Dr. Joseph Mason’s December 2015 study of the extended benefits of opening to energy leasing those areas closed to leasing, he found that the continuing economic benefits, including benefits to economic growth, wages, jobs and federal, state, and local tax revenues from opening federal lands and waters to oil, gas and coal leasing would produce the following:

 

  • GDP would increase by $127 billion annually in the next seven
  • $20.7 trillion cumulative increase in economic activity over the next
  • 552,000 jobs would be created annually over the next seven years,
  • $32 billion increase in annual wages over the next seven years, with
  • The federal government would receive an additional $3.9 trillion in

 

While his study included onshore lands and coal leasing, a huge amount of this potential increase to our national economy and our jobs would flow from a much more robust 5-year plan. This is the opportunity cost to our economy of the most anemic leasing plan in decades.

Conclusion

The Institute for Energy Research believes it is time for the Department of Interior through the BOEM to take its obligations to taxpayers, the nation’s well-being and our nation’s security seriously. This plan is a far cry from a serious response to the serious economic, energy and national security challenges our nation faces in the future. The American people deserve better.

 

References 

The Institute for Energy Research (IER) is a not-for-profit organization that conducts intensive research and analysis on the functions, operations, and government regulation of global energy markets. IER maintains that freely-functioning energy markets provide the most efficient and effective solutions to today’s global energy and environmental challenges and, as such, are critical to the well-being of individuals and society.

 

*     *     *

Energy Information Administration, International Energy Statistic: Total Oil Supply, 1155 15th Street NW· Suite 900· Washington, DC 20005· Phone 202.621.2950· Fax 202.637.2420

 

https://www.eia.gov/cfapps/ipdbproject/iedindex3.cfm?tid=5&pid=53&aid=1&cid=regions&syid=2008&eyid=2014&unit=TBPD

 

The United States Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, Federal Production, https://useiti.doi.gov/explore/federal-production/#year=2009&product=Oil+(bbl)

 

Ernest Scheyder, UPDATE 1-Oil prices would hit $150/barrel without U.S. shale, EIA says, Reuters, Sept. 24, 2014, http://www.reuters.com/article/eia-forecast-idUSL2N0RP1PP20140924.

Dr. Joseph Mason, The Economic Effects of Immediately Opening Federal Lands to Oil, Gas, and Coal Leasing, Institute for Energy Research, Dec. 2015, http://instituteforenergyresearch.org/studies/the-economic-effects-of-unlocking-federal-lands/.

Budget Sustainability And Moderate Energy Policies

Alaska’s House Speaker In Today’s Op-Ed Explains Why “It’s Not Easy”

Gov. Walker’s Permanent Fund bill faces defeat in House

by

Dave Harbour

Alaska's House Speaker, Mike Chenault. NGP stock photo by Dave Harbour

Alaska’s House Speaker, Mike Chenault. NGP stock photo by Dave Harbour

We have been relentless in urging the legislature and governor of Alaska (i.e. and elected officials of other energy producing states and Canadian energy provinces as well), to 1) adopt moderate and reasonable oil and gas taxes, royalties and regulatory controls, and 2) structure intelligent budgets that can withstand the commodity volatility that comes with reliance on energy income, and 3) reject temptations to socialize industry activities and create larger, entitlement populations.

Moderating Energy Policies

Moderating tax and royalty and regulatory policies attracts energy investors.  Since oil and gas are capital intensive businesses, governmental policy must give comfort to those who would risk hundreds of millions — or billions — in a local area.  But if those investors have confidence in the integrity, fiscal certainty and durability of governmental policies their investments can create enormous benefits for local citizens.  Their capital intensive activities attract all manner of support companies with well compensated employees whose spending injects vitality into the entire economy.

There is another factor almost always ignored or taken for granted.  Capital intensive oil and gas wealth production sustains local, state and federal governments (i.e. their programs and public employees), schools, ports, non profit services, public safety, and virtually all other activities.  Without those investors risking big money in our jurisdictions, we would either have to cut government down to a smaller size and see our economy implode with the exodus of our neighbors … or tax ourselves to make up the difference.

Many oil producing areas are sharing the financial and political challenges of Alaska now as all of our “people intensive” governments and businesses try to figure out how to compensate for the contraction of the “capital intensive” energy sector.

So as Alaska, North Dakota, Alberta and other highly dependent fossil fuel wealth producing areas suffer with low energy prices, now is a good time to reflect on how we might all redouble our efforts to attract energy investors with more reasonable, moderate policies.  After all, it’s actually more in our self interest than theirs.  We live here.  They can move their operations, over time, to competitive areas more dedicated than we have been to providing moderate energy policies.

Structuring Intelligent Budgets

In today’s Op-Ed (Scroll down), Alaska House Speaker Mike Chenault (NGP photo above) points out the difficulty in creating what an objective observer might call an, “intelligent budget” in a political environment.

Both Chenault’s House and the Senate are composed of coalitions spanning the philosophical spectrum.  Some want to sustain government at the expense of higher private sector taxes.  Some want to sustain entitlement programs at the expense of general government services and the private sector.  Some are convinced that the private sector that pays for government should be kept whole at the expense of government cuts.  Some want more taxes.  Some want to spend state savings accounts as budget subsidies.  Some want to use earnings from Alaska’s over $50 billion Permanent Fund.

The result: Chenault says some costs have been cut but other efforts to increase sources of income have failed.  That means that the state — even as its creditworthiness is being downgraded by the major credit rating agencies — will spend more billions of its savings to subsidize government over the next year.  Absent a huge increase in oil production and/or oil prices Alaska’s fiscal crisis will be even more critical next year than it was in 2016.

Lucky for some of the retiring legislators this year that the November elections will select their replacements to solve Alaska’s fiscal Gordian knot next January.

A sustainable budget policy for Alaska, in spite of this year’s Herculean legislative effort, remains An Elusive Dream (i.e. “and now, we’ve left Alaska, because there was no gold mine….”).

Reject temptations to socialize industry activities and create larger, entitlement populations

In the midst of its fiscal crisis Alaska’s governor, with support from the legislature, is funding equity ownership in a gas pipeline/LNG project.  This comes at a time when LNG prices are historically low and the number of LNG competitors is historically high–and when certain legislators and the governor have actually had the temerity in the last year to threaten the state’s largest investors with a gas reserves tax.

So politicians believe it to be popular to try to achieve greater profits from Alaska’s rich North Slope gas reserves by pouring public money into ownership of a transportation scheme to monetize the gas.

We have urged public officials to avoid equity ownership in private projects for many more reasons that we should repeat here.  But the state’s savings, subsidizing the budget will go dry within a couple years.  Under this circumstance, why would one liquidate those savings faster on a risky project that has not been approved, whose feasibility may never be proven.  And why invest hundreds of millions now, when the project — even if it were successful — could not begin to provide returns both of and on the investment for about a decade?

This is not to even mention the governor’s fixation with government subsidies and loans and project management focused on creation of a new natural gas utility for Fairbanks citizens, whose cost of service could be more than their present fuel oil utility bills.

But entitlement programs may be Alaska’s biggest burden over the long haul.  This is because politicians are tempted to create entitlements when oil cash is plentiful.  Yet, because entitlements are ‘permanent’  the whole populace is committed to funding them when oil cash is scarce.

In rich times, conservative politicians are lulled or intimidated into accepting new entitlement program proposals by liberals in exchange for new public works projects.

The growth in entitlement programs produces an explosion in beneficiaries of those programs whose propensity will always be to vote for the liberals who safeguard them.  Public works (i.e. capital spending) produces additional tens of thousands of beneficiaries who also tend to vote for and spend big dollars supporting liberal political candidates.  So, ironically, liberal candidates for public office benefit as much or more than conservative politicians from capital spending.  This is particularly true in a state whose public employees are unionized and whose ‘little Davis-Bacon’ law requires that ‘prevailing wages’ (i.e. union scale) be paid to public works project workers.

Conclusion

We draw readers’ attention to all of these dynamics to describe how difficult it is in a democracy, and especially in Alaska’s democracy today, to develop a sustainable budget.  We believe that a sustainable budget would  1) tax and regulate citizens/businesses fairly, 2) would be more logically driven than politically directed, and 3) avoid the temptations of creating too generous entitlements, too many capital spending projects and too much public risk by engaging in private sector equity adventures.

Perhaps understanding the complex dynamics at work is the best effort citizens can make right now to prepare for fiscal challenges in 2017.

Instinctively, it seems the best intelligence, the best judgment, the best diplomacy and the best intent are required to resolve what looks to be the biggest crisis in the young history of America’s 49th state.


Op-ed by Representative Mike Chenault, Speaker of the Alaska House of Representatives

(Also appearing in the Alaska Dispatch, here)

Coming home to Nikiski, however briefly during the legislative session, my friends and neighbors all asked me the same question: What’s going on?

Today, that’s changed to: What happened?

The answers differ depending on who you speak with. My goal in writing this is to lay it out straight, not try and spin, but to simply inform. I trust you will come to your own conclusions like you trust me to go to Juneau and handle business there.

Two years ago, when this Legislature and new governor were seated, we faced oil prices below $30 per barrel, bills coming due on retirement, tax credits for the resource sector, implementing the Affordable Care Act, and negotiations between the state’s largest labor unions and a new administration.

The last economic downturn shook our community and the entire state. People were leaving the keys to their homes in the front door and hitting the road. None of us want Alaska to get back to that point.

So what did we do? We committed to cutting the budget. It’s not as simple as it sounds, despite what you may have read or heard. I truly wish it were. The budget is our constitutional obligation, the only thing we have to do. The state operating budget is a sometimes confusing matrix of transactions, personnel control numbers for employees and fund transfers that are complex and intimidating to most people. The budget pays for everything you think of when you think of state services: K-12 education, roads, some medical services, public safety, the Department of Fish and Game, troopers, etc.

Our House majority caucus, which put its trust in me to serve as speaker of the House, committed to listening to Alaskans. We have and will continue to do so. Door-to-door throughout the state, our members heard from neighbors that before being asked to give any of their hard-earned dollars to pay for government, we first had to deliver cuts. So we cut. Historically.

Twice. In two years, this Legislature cut the budget nearly 20 percent. That’s no easy feat. We’re not done. We’ll transition from deep reviews and trimming here and there, to having hard conversations about the role and structure of government next year. We have no choice. We all have to share in the process. No group, economic sector or government agency will go unchecked. No legislator is left out of the process either, which is obvious when you look at the debate on the bills.

Make no mistake, our philosophical differences on government, how to deliver which services, led to the extra time it took both years to negotiate a compromise with the Democratic minority in the House. It wasn’t a staring contest or stand-off. We held good-faith negotiations. In the end, we didn’t cut as much as last year, $852 million in total funds versus more than $900 million two years ago. That was all we could agree on this year.

I respect the House minority leader, Chris Tuck of Anchorage. We held weekly meetings. In many ways, his job in bringing his diverse Democrats together was more challenging than my own, working with our House majority leadership team. Many may not know that the majority caucus is bipartisan. We stretch from the Arctic Coast, to the Bering Coast, to the Gulf of Alaska and down the Southeast panhandle. Our caucus comprises every region of the state and political philosophy in the book, from absolute constitutionalists, libertarians, conservatives, liberals, moderates, and pro-business and pro-consumer capitalists. I love our uniquely Alaska diversity.

Leadership is easy when our state’s financial times are good. We’ve built this state. We’ve saved when oil prices were high, so today we can afford to glide down to a sustainable level of government.

Alaska U.S. Senator Lisa Murkowski (NGP File Photo)

Alaska U.S. Senator Lisa Murkowski (NGP File Photo)

Senator Murkowski’s National Energy Policy BREAKING NEWS

We wanted to make sure you saw … this statement‎ from the Bipartisan Policy Center’s American Energy Innovation Council, calling on the Senate and House to continue working together to advance the nation’s first comprehensive energy bill in nearly a decade and send it to the president’s desk for signature. The statement encourages Democrats and Republicans alike to recognize the common ground between the energy bills passed by each chamber and ticks off many provisions where bipartisan progress has already been made. The council is the latest group to publicly advocate for the two chambers to go to a formal conference, following the U.S. Chamber of Commerce (key vote) and the Alliance to Save Energy (60 billion reasons). With the House already having approved its motion to go to conference by voice vote, it’s now the Senate’s turn to act. That vote will come soon – and as BPC makes clear, it will be a test of each party’s willingness to work across the aisle on behalf of innovation, infrastructure, trade, conservation, supply, and efficiency.

 

American Energy Innovation Council: House and Senate Advance Legislation on Energy Innovation

Washington, D.C. – The members of the American Energy Innovation Council today issued the following statement on energy legislation being considered in Congress:

“Since 2010, the American Energy Innovation Council has called for legislators to support energy innovation as an engine for economic growth. This connection, highlighted in numerous case studies, is critical to our competitiveness as both consumers and producers in the rapidly growing global energy market. Through passage of their respective energy bills, the House and Senate have taken a number of steps to bolster American energy innovation. We recognize there are significant issues to be resolved between the bills but there are numerous provisions in each that AEIC hopes will become law.

“The Senate bill contains strong authorization levels for the Advanced Research Projects Agency for Energy (ARPA-E), consistent with AEIC’s recommendation to significantly increase funding for this key agency. ARPA-E plays a key role in supporting early stage, transformative technologies across the valley of death and strong bipartisan support reflects its contributions to American competitiveness. Both bills prioritize nuclear research, supporting American entrepreneurs working on breakthrough technologies—in addition to providing security and non-proliferation benefits. Additionally, the House bill includes H.R.1158, the Department of Energy Laboratory Modernization and Technology Transfer Act—which will improve our ability to bring new technologies out of our national labs and into the marketplace. Importantly, both bills would reauthorize energy-provisions of America COMPETES—the watershed legislation that affirmed the importance of American competitiveness in science and technology. The Senate bill maintains support for ARPA-E while the House proposal emphasizes programs within the Office of Science. AEIC supports both programs and believes their inclusion is a testament to the strong support among members in both chambers for maintaining America’s competitive advantage.

“AEIC continues to call on legislators to support energy innovation and invest in American ingenuity by sending provisions to the president’s desk that advance American leadership in this critical area.”